Thanks to the ceasefire deal agreed with Israel, Lebanon has recently entered a state of fragile peace – but the most recent conflict has reopened old wounds which may be difficult to heal. From 1975 to 1990, Lebanon endured a complex and multifaceted civil war which caused deep-seated divisions and tensions across the country. Over three decades later, during the 14-month conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, these divisions have again been brought to the fore.
By examining the recent conflict through the lens of interactions between displaced families from Hezbollah-linked regions and their host communities, we can see how the feelings of fear and distrust instilled during the civil war – and exacerbated by decades of unrest which included Israeli bombings, targeted assassinations, and the Beirut port blast – have intensified, serving as a sobering reminder of the challenge of overcoming entrenched sectarian and political divides.[i]
Escalating fear, distrust, and tensions
Since Israel’s ground invasion and bombardment of Lebanon, approximately 1.2 million people – nearly a quarter of Lebanon’s population – have been forced from their homes.[ii] This large-scale displacement has disproportionately affected the Shiite communities who live in Hezbollah strongholds in southern Lebanon, the Bekaa Valley, and Dahieh, a predominantly Shia Muslim suburb in southern Beirut.[iii] The response to this humanitarian crisis has been mixed. Across the country, communities have come together to provide shelter and support for those who have been displaced. Churches have opened their doors to accommodate anyone, regardless of religion, while local groups have set up community kitchens to provide free meals and distribute rations.[iv]
On the other hand, there have also been signs of growing divisions, with displaced Shia families reportedly being denied housing. In Christian and Druze-majority areas, there is increasing concern that offering refuge to displaced families from Hezbollah-linked regions could draw these communities into war, although it is worth noting that displaced groups hold varying political and sectarian affiliations, and that not all residents of Hezbollah strongholds necessarily support Hezbollah. These fears have been amplified by recent reports of Israeli strikes targeting rental properties sheltering displaced individuals.[v]
Marjayoun, a predominantly Christian town in southern Lebanon, initially opened its schools and a church to accommodate Shia families fleeing Israeli airstrikes, but apprehensions soon surfaced among residents, who feared that providing refuge to these families might implicate the town in the ongoing war, particularly if some were associated with Hezbollah. These concerns were tragically validated when Israeli drone strikes targeted a Shiite man near Marjayoun, resulting in the deaths of two local residents and bringing the violence directly to the town. The situation further escalated when a displaced individual fired a gun during a dispute over relocation, intensifying sectarian tensions.[vi]
The displacement of Shia families poses a threat to Lebanon’s delicate factional balance, with fears of violence leading to renewed sectarian rhetoric. In October, an Israeli airstrike killed at least 22 people and demolished a three-story building in Aitou, a northern Christian-majority village. The building had been rented to a family displaced from the south, and one local official stated that Israel’s target was a Hezbollah official who was visiting to distribute monthly stipends to the displaced.[vii] Josephine Zgheib, president of the Beity Association charity, noted that the atmosphere in Aitou significantly shifted after the Israeli airstrike, with locals becoming more fearful and suspicious of displaced families. Despite Zgheib’s efforts to secure shelter for nearly 700 displaced individuals in the mountainous Kfardebian area, neighbours began questioning her. They asked whether she knew the displaced families personally, if she had their identification documents, and whether she could confirm they were not affiliated with Hezbollah.[viii]
While several municipalities have claimed they don’t want to host displaced families due to fears Israel will attack, there is also a risk that these decisions will reinforce existing prejudices and embed practices of discrimination. Videos have surfaced on social media showing disputes between displaced Shia families and residents of predominantly Christian and Sunni neighbourhoods.[ix]
Fragile coexistence: displacement and sectarian unease in Beirut
In Beirut, once the epicentre of Lebanon’s civil war and a microcosm of the country’s rich diversity, as well as its divisions, tensions are similarly rising. Many place the blame on Hezbollah and its supporters for championing a war that has dragged Lebanon to the brink (again), with affluent families, specifically Christians, seeking refuge in the mountains or emigrating to avoid a war they view as unrelated to their own interests. As a result, the recent conflict has sparked a renewed wave of sectarian sentiment among non-Shiites in the capital city. In the predominantly Christian Achrafieh neighbourhood of East Beirut, local authorities barred a primary school from being used to house displaced families. Lina, a resident of Achrafieh, confessed, ‘I am relieved they did not allow it. I am also glad most people here are not renting out their spare rooms to them. May God watch over the displaced, but I would not feel at ease having them nearby.’[x]
Lina’s apprehensions reflect broader concerns among Christians in Lebanon about the arrival of predominantly Shiite families from the south. These displaced families are seen as a potential threat to the stability of traditionally Christian neighbourhoods, amid fears that their presence could invite Israeli attacks. Many Christians draw a parallel between Hezbollah and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which they blame for triggering the Lebanese civil war in 1975 through their attacks on Israel from southern Lebanon. Antoine, another Christian resident, voiced distrust toward Hezbollah and a longing for the security he feels is now compromised, contrasting this with his relative indifference to the threat of Israeli aggression.[xi]
In a strong statement reflecting growing communal tensions, residents of Qornet Shahwan and Rabwe, two predominantly Christian suburbs north of Beirut, called for the immediate withdrawal of Hezbollah and Amal movement supporters from their neighbourhoods. Describing the area as a peaceful haven for families, the residents demanded that displaced families associated with these groups leave the area without delay, warning that failure to comply would result in firm and necessary measures to protect their neighbourhoods.[xii]
It’s not just in Christian neighbourhoods where divisions are resurfacing. Numerous families have also sought refuge in the predominantly Sunni West Beirut, despite the deep-seated hostility towards Hezbollah in the community. This antagonism is caused in part by a belief that Hezbollah was responsible for the assassination of former Sunni prime minister Rafik Hariri in 2005, and fuelled by memories of Hezbollah militants seizing control of West Beirut during clashes in 2008 – and it has now come to the fore once again.[xiii]
In Hamra, a mixed neighbourhood in West Beirut, members of the Syrian Socialist National Party (SSNP), an ally of Hezbollah with a presence in the area, took swift action to provide housing for displaced families by breaking into vacant buildings.[xiv] The move caused significant tensions, which were heightened when clashes erupted between displaced individuals and members of the Internal Security Forces (ISF) as they tried to forcibly evict the new residents.[xv] Hashem, a shopkeeper in Hamra, expressed his concerns, saying, ‘I feel sorry for the displaced families, but I no longer feel safe on this street. Groups of men now linger here day and night, smoking shisha. We don’t know who they are, and they keep driving away my customers.’[xvi]
Ceasefire amid deep polarisations
Despite the signing of a ceasefire agreement between Lebanon and Israel, attacks from both sides have continued, and Israel has warned civilians against returning home to 60 villages in the south of Lebanon.[xvii] It is unclear what will happen over the next 60 days, but it’s clear that the displacement crisis has exacerbated fractures between Lebanon’s diverse communities, particularly reinforcing the polarisation between Hezbollah’s opponents and its real and perceived supporters. Many view the influx of displaced populations through the prism of past experiences, drawing parallels with historical events, and these tensions are further intensified by the absence of a shared narrative about past conflicts, as each community in Lebanon remembers them through the lens of its own experiences.
Lebanon’s sectarian divisions have been a longstanding aspect of its politics and society, and with sectarian, political, and ideological divisions reemerging along the old civil war fault lines, we can see that Lebanon’s legacy of conflict will continue to play a role in its future. As Dr Craig Larkin, author of Memory and Conflict in Lebanon, argues ‘traumatic stories and haunted sites of past violence continue to inform everyday perceptions, conversations, and spatial practice’.[xviii]
[i] (1981) The Bombing of Beirut. Journal of Palestine Studies, 11 (1), pp. 218–25, https://doi.org/10.2307/2536065; Hormigo, M. (2024) The current conflict is awakening old prejudices and testing the ideals of a new generation that rose up against ruling elites in 2019. Accessed at https://newlinesmag.com/spotlight/sectarianism-in-the-shadow-of-israels-war-on-lebanon/; El Kari, M. (2024) Lebanon: assassinating sectarian leaders has always led to instability – this time will be no different. The Conversation. Accessed at: https://theconversation.com/lebanon-assassinating-sectarian-leaders-has-always-led-to-instability-this-time-will-be-no-different-240717.
[ii] Sinjab, L. (2024) Tensions rise in Beirut after influx of displaced people. Accessed at https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c99rx89znmlo
[iii] Brennan, D. (2023) Israel’s offensive in Lebanon has displaced 1.2 million, prime minister says. Accessed at: https://abcnews.go.com/International/israels-offensive-lebanon-displaced-12-million-prime-minister/story?id=114457624&utm_source=chatgpt.com
[iv] Yammine, C. (2024) Churches across Lebanon have opened their doors to take in displaced Lebanese people. Accessed at: https://www.the961.com/churches-across-lebanon-displaced-lebanese-people/; AP Newsroom (2024) Community kitchen in Beirut prepares hundreds of meals to be sent to schools sheltering displaced people in Lebanon. Accessed at: https://newsroom.ap.org/editorial-photos-videos/detail?itemid=6df9f1b49b914bacbe7fb4a39ba648ab
[v] Halabi, S. (2024) Left unchecked, Lebanon’s displacement crisis could tear the country apart. Accessed at: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/10/19/left-unchecked-lebanons-displacement-crisis-could-tear-the-country-apart
[vi] Arab News (2024) Mass displacement in Lebanon war revives spectre of sectarian strife. Accessed at: https://www.arabnews.com/node/2575372/amp
[vii] McKernan, B. (2024) Israeli airstrike kills more than 20 in northern Lebanon as UN peacekeeping row grows. Accessed at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/14/israeli-airstrike-kills-christian-town-northern-lebanon-gaza
[viii] Financial Times (2024) Beirut divided: Israeli strikes fuel Lebanon’s sectarian tensions. Accessed at: https://www.ft.com/content/b79b94cc-4377-4b48-b1d3-4586110cd793
[ix] Shehadi, S. (2024) The haunting spectre of another Lebanese civil war. Accessed at: https://www.newstatesman.com/international-politics/2024/10/spectre-another-lebanese-civil-war
[xii] Al Raii (2024) Leaflets in Kornet Chehwan warn members of “Hezbollah” and “Amal”. Accessed at: https://www.alraiionline.com/news/66503; X (2024). Accessed at: https://x.com/WalidPhares/status/1847098539874439466
[xiii] Khatib, L. (2021) How Hezbollah holds sway over the Lebanese state. Accessed at: https://www.chathamhouse.org/2021/06/how-hezbollah-holds-sway-over-lebanese-state/02-influence-through-state-institutions; International Centre for Transitional Justice (2013) Lebanon’s legacy of political violence. Accessed at: https://www.ictj.org/sites/default/files/ICTJ-Report-Lebanon-Mapping-2013-EN_0.pdf
[xiv] Azhari, T. (2024) Mass displacement in Lebanon war revives spectre of sectarian strife. Accessed at: https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/mass-displacement-lebanon-war-revives-spectre-sectarian-strife-2024-10-15/
[xv] X (2024). Accessed at: https://x.com/visegrad24/status/1848493659341148162; National News Agency (2024) Clashes erupt between displaced persons, security forces during building evacuation in Hamra. Accessed at: https://www.nna-leb.gov.lb/en/justice-law/731965/clashes-erupt-between-displaced-persons-security-f
[xvii] BBC (2024) Israel warns against returning to 60 Lebanon villages. Accessed at: https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cdxv1727g5lo
[xviii] Larkin, C. (2010) Beyond the war? The Lebanese post memory experience. International Journal of Middle East Studies 42 (4) 615-636; Larkin, C. (2012) Memory and conflict in Lebanon: remembering and forgetting the past. London; Routledge.